Yemenis are divided over the historical facts of the rule of the Zaydi imamate that perched on the country, exhausted it and entered it into wars that are still reaping its fruits today with Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the new imam who adheres to the racist approach of his predecessors, dependent on local and external parties, and he and his supporters promoted historical fallacies that prompted Yemenis to search for their historical validity An enlightenment for the Yemenis, and a revelation of their decades that they did not transcend over time.
A real labyrinth that Yemen has lived through over the past two thousand years. Others have controlled it, from Abyssinia, to Persia, to Hejaz and Najd, then Egypt and Turkey, that quintuple that was destined to exist in its past and present, due to the division of Yemenis and the long and harsh processes of Doctrinal and political alienation, and unjustified elitist condoning, brought the country to what it is now.
Based on this vision, the book “The Labyrinth.. The Missing Links of the Zaidi Imamate in Yemen” by Yemeni researcher and journalist Bilal Mahmoud al-Tayeb seeks to date one thousand and one hundred and fifty years of the life of Yemen and the Zaidi Imamate “priestly” state, trying to provide a comprehensive reading of the knowledge of Yemen, man, civilization and history, based on Proper diagnosis and research into the historical roots of each phenomenon.
In the introduction to his book issued by the Arwaq Foundation, Al-Tayyib affirms that he returned to all the historical stages that Yemen experienced before the leader of Al-Hadi Yahya bin Al-Hussein, and which paved the way for the establishment of the “Hadawiyah” Zaidi Imamate, that “theocratic” priestly state that we are still mired in hell, and were it not for our mistakes and the mistakes of those They preceded us, they did not remain in control of our fate, nor did they remain on our chests until this moment.
Al-Tayeb says, “I have gathered the diaspora of those stages, studied them comprehensively, and re-read Yemeni history with absolute transparency, environment, people and rulers, relying on hundreds of references, other than living testimonies regarding our contemporary history.”
He adds, “Through it, I wanted to expose the kinks of deficiencies and expose those rooted behaviors that repeat themselves, of self-injustice, ingratitude, intolerance and difference that led and ultimately leads to the use of a foreigner, and created the so-called ‘Yazani knot’ that became the knot of most Yemenis, and in a more comprehensive sense the knot of all the vulnerable.” And I do not want by this to detract from Yemen’s civilized past and self-flagellation, as much as I want to motivate my countrymen to survive, to create a new reality, and to rise like a phoenix from among the rubble.”
The Yemeni researcher and journalist believes that “after the success of the Iranian revolution in February 1979, the hopes of the Imamis revived in restoring their priestly state, so in the following year a high-ranking delegation from them headed to Tehran, on a visit apparently congratulatory and inwardly ambitious ambitions. Badr al-Din al-Houthi was one of the most prominent members of that delegation, and that visit culminated in the birth of a new Zaidi-Twelver Alliance, with a different formula, entitled: ‘The full moon has disappeared, and Badr has returned’!
That delegation was headed by the most prominent leader, Ahmed Muhammad Al-Shami, and his enthusiasm led him, after the success of that visit, to address the Crown Prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia at the time, Prince Fahd bin Abdulaziz, with poetic verses that meant “We do not need you,” in which he stated:
We will restore the rule to the Imamate either
In the Prophet’s robe or in Marx’s robes
And if the Hijaz and Najd are disappointed,
We have honorable brothers in Persia
He adds that accordingly, in December 1981, the Iranian ambassador was expelled from Yemen; After the government showed its hostile activity, especially when the Iraqi-Iranian war was at its height, the educational activity of the Houthi group began in the following year, when it was formed by Muhammad Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Salah Falitah is the nucleus of the “believing youth” movement.
He continues, “Khomeini’s revolution worked to revive the tendency of Shiism with its nationalist, not religious, approach, as evidenced by its adoption of the option of exporting the revolution and controlling neighboring regions, just as the Sassanid state had done before, and with great support from it, the Zaidi Imamate in Yemen resumed its disastrous military expansion led by Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi in 2004. , and after him his brother Abd al-Malik. The new Imamis kidnapped the state and the land and threatened the security of their allies yesterday, so that this time Saudi Arabia would lead a coalition in support of the republic to eliminate the Houthi-Imam coup.
The Yemeni researcher believes that Abd al-Malik Badr al-Din al-Houthi is nothing but a masterful imitator of Khomeini and a great opportunist. Alleged here are the painful and irrefutable facts, except after the ax fell over their heads all.
He explains that apart from reading history, there are those who describe the coup of the terrorist Houthi group and its seizure of power in September 2014, with the divine right that returned to its family after fifty-two years except four days. itself and the literature of its fighters, thinkers, journalists and politicians, and the phrase is always repeated: “The revolution that saved Yemen from the oppression of the priesthood, which has perished on its lands for more than a thousand years.”
The recipient here looks at Yemen with its current geography, unaware that Yemen was historically ruled by several conflicting states and that the Zaydi Imamate is only a part of a whole.
The Yemeni journalist says that important facts are ignored by many, and the motive for bringing them here is the emergence of dissonant voices, who are not good at reading history and renting it according to their whims, and their conclusions do not stop at the limits of the return of truth to its people; Rather, she goes beyond it to inferring that accumulated heritage and the hidden popular memory, as she described it preserves and accepts it, without referring to history books and reliable references, and more than that: that our fathers and grandfathers succumbed to the rule of the imams supported by heaven! And they were patient with their annoyance, and there is no harm in us now living in their custody until God establishes the Hour, which is a blatant fallacy that is easy to refute.
Al-Tayyib reveals that “the imams ruled the province of Hadhramaut for only twenty-three years (from 1659 to 1682), they entered it during the reign of Imam al-Mutawakkil Ismail bin al-Qasim, after many sought the help of him against their cousins, and they left it after the latter sought the help of the Yafa tribes, which in turn supported them. Six thousand fighters, then I eliminated them! And it ruled the majority of the Hadrami countries for centuries, Al Kassad in Mukalla, and Al Buraik in Ash Shihr, and the Al-Quaiti Sultanate is one of the biggest political successes of the youth there, and most of the residents of Hadhramaut were its subjects.
As for the province of Aden, it was ruled by the imams for eighty-one years (from 1647 to 1728). They entered it during the reign of al-Mutawakkil Ismail bin al-Qasim, and their control over it weakened after the revolution led by the sons of Yafa in 1684, which motivated the Sultan of Lahj to establish an independent emirate, in 1728. .
It is mentioned that Yafa remained under the rule of the imams for only twenty-eight years. It resisted the imam’s incursions with all its determination and strength. Its sons wrote over its steadfast geography eternal heroic epics. Oral memory transmits a saying attributed to one of the imams whose content is “If it wasn’t for Yafa, we wouldn’t care about al-Shawafi’.”
The Tihama region was also ruled by the imams for nearly two hundred years, which began after the Turks left Yemen in 1636 in their first campaign, and ended with the invasion of Sharif Hamoud Abu Mimar, “the owner of Abu Arish”, and his deduction from the Qasim State with the help of the House of Saud, during the reign of Imam al-Mansur Ali ibn al-Mahdi Abbas And the latter’s son, al-Mutawakkil Ahmad, confessed to him in 1809.
Then came the forces of Muhammad Ali Pasha, then the Turks in their second campaign, and then the Idrisids with British support, and the region was not complete for the rule of the Imamate state until after the elimination of the Zaranik revolution in 1930, a control that was pacified by the Saudi forces’ invasion of the north of the region in 1934, with the help of Sheikh Hadi Al-Hayj, and some of the Tihama sheikhs who allied themselves with the House of Saud to defy the imam of Sana’a, who confiscated their weapons, and then the Taif Agreement – in the same year – stopped that war, but it did not end the conflict.
Al-Tayyib continues to refute the allegations of the Imamis: “As for the province of the soldiers, the imams ruled for approximately 263 years, and in three phases, 12 years during the reign of the imams from Bait Sharaf al-Din, 11 years before the Turks entered the region in 1546, and a year before the advent of the campaign of Minister Sinan Pasha in 1569.
And the Qasimi imams ruled the region in two phases: the first from 1630 to 1838, and ended with the arrival of the forces of Muhammad Ali Pasha, then the Turks, and their control in some of those years was formal. As for the second phase, it began with the invasion of the region by the forces of Imam Yahya Hamid al-Din in 1919. It ended with the glorious September revolution in 1962.”
With regard to the region of Sheba, al-Tayeb was forced to separate between one governorate and another, without specifying a comprehensive period of time. In 1640, the imams did not achieve control over it until the era of Imam Yahya, after his forces eliminated the last of its rulers, Prince Muhammad bin Abdul Rahman in 1931.
It is true that the two imams Abdullah bin Hamza and Ahmed bin Al Hussein were able to invade Marib in the seventh century AH, but their control over it was intermittent. In the year 1957, the Serwah tribes launched an armed rebellion against the rule of the imams, but it failed, while the control of the republican regime over Ma’rib remained intermittent, and the republican control over it was not achieved until the end of 1968.
Al-Bayda Governorate, too, condemned some of its regions, especially the northern ones, to the rule of imams for intermittent periods. Its history at the beginning of the Qasimi state is linked to Yafa and its numerous revolutions. As for the forces of Imam Yahya, they entered it at the end of 1923.
He came to Al-Bayda after eighteen years, Sheikh Muhammad al-Dabbagh from the Hijaz, an Alawite aspirant who took advantage of the successive defeats of the imams by the British and, with the help of the Yafa tribes, revolutionized through which he took control of several regions. Imam Yahya was sent with a mighty force to eradicate him in 1941, and when it failed, he sought the help of the English, to subside after that revolution, and Al-Bayda returned to the rule of the imams until 1962.
As for the Azal region, the Ismaili and Zaydi Shiites found in it a fertile ground to spread their ideas and establish their state. The competition between the two groups continued from the end of the third century AH until the middle of the sixth century AH. The Ayyubids eliminated the Ismailis as a state, while the Zaydi imamate remained confined to the northern regions, and it was not achieved. Full control of these areas except at the end of the eighth century AH, when the Rasulid state began to falter, a control intermittently due to the Ottoman presence in Yemen in its two separate phases.
In light of all of the above, Al-Tayyib affirms that the Zaydi Imamate ruled the governorate of Saada and its surroundings during a long and circulating period of more than one thousand one hundred and fifty years, if we exclude a few years of the rule of the Sulayhids, the Ayyubids, the Messengers and the Ottomans, and generalizing that period to Yemen as a whole shameful historical fallacy, and the worst To pass unnoticed.
He explains that the Zaydi Imamate is not patriotic, and has not preserved, as researcher Adel Al-Ahmadi, the historical and geographical unity of Yemen, and with its current map, it is experiencing the fastest expansion and worst contraction, and Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi, its new imam, did not limit an iota from the racist and arrogant means pursued by his predecessors ; Rather, it was worse, stupid and more reckless, with lightning speed accusations of geography, and with hereditary arrogance, humiliated man, with the help of local and foreign players, who saw it as a means of revenge and nothing more.
Through a deep psychological analysis of the personality of this imam, we find that he is a sick person strewn with feelings of inferiority and powerlessness, driven by metaphysical, dependent ambitions of a nightmarish nature. He took revenge on everyone with the evil of revenge, and did not exclude even himself and his group and those gullible who supported him, and he is still jogging to his death intoxicated.” And shouting “we don’t care”!
Al-Tayyib points out that the exploits of the Sulayhids, the Ayyubids, the Rasulids, the Tahirids, and the Ottomans, including mosques, schools, and forts, are still living evidence that they were here and passed from here, expressing in a ostentatious tone their great interest in the land and people.
And that huge amount of heritage that was coined by those who lived under them, scholars, writers and historians, is nothing but clear evidence that Yemen lived its golden age in the shadow of those countries and reached its glory during the era of the Rasulid state that lasted for more than two and a quarter centuries of time.
On the other hand, we have exhausted – talking here for the good – searching for one good deed, and a beautiful effect of the rule of the dynastic imams, there is nothing but blood and gunpowder, a history of conquest and benefit, and wounds that are still deep, and the summary of the comparison, there is a difference between civilized countries that have preserved bright pages in history books, and between A sectarian leadership that believes only in violence and possession.